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New Mexico Campaign

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During the American Civil War, the conflict was not confined to just the federally recognized states of the time. The war moved west. To territories (such as New Mexico) that were desirable for both the Union and the Confederacy, whether for wealth, trade, land or port positions.

New Mexico Territory

The New Mexico Campaign was an endeavor by the Confederacy to invade what was then known as New Mexico Territory. The plan was to gain control of the southwestern part of the continent. This would allow the South access to the valuable gold fields in Colorado, as well as the shipping opportunities that were available via California.

It was incredibly ambitious and not at all expected. It opened up an additional theater in the American Civil War.

A map of the United States showing the Confederate Territory of Arizona. Created in 1861.

During this time, the residents of New Mexico Territory continuously complained that the territorial government in Santa Fe was not able to address their needs. This was due to the significant distance between Santa Fe and the southern part of the state.

The Union army moved away from parts of New Mexico Territory when the Civil War began. The residents felt even more abandoned by the United States.

Hoping to find something better, they decided to secede from the Union and join the new Confederacy. They formed their own militia and Confederate troops, already stationed in Texas, joined them. They helped the militia ward off Union troops in several instances. There they established the Confederate Territory of Arizona.

Sibley’s Plan

Henry Hopkins Sibley,

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the mastermind behind the Confederacy’s New Mexico campaign.

Following this, Brigadier General Henry Hopkins Sibley presented a plan to Confederate President Jefferson Davis. He asked for permission to invade Union territory in the Rocky Mountains. This would enable the Confederacy to claim those much-valued gold fields in the Colorado Territory.  It would also allow them to claim Fort Laramie, which was an extremely important stop along the Oregon Trail.

Sibley planned to take his efforts even further westward and try to take over both Nevada and California. Then, he thought, he would take his expansion south, into Mexico.There Sibley would either take the northern part of the country by force or buy it.

He would need few supplies for his journey. Sibley assured the Confederacy he could get everything needed by capturing Union supplies, or by finding what was needed as he went.  With permission granted, Sibley was on his way.

The remainder of Fort Union, a critical spot during the New Mexico campaign. Photo Source.

December 20, 1861, Sibley pronounced New Mexico the property of the Confederacy. He let it be known to all the citizens they could join either the Confederacy or they could suffer the same fate as the Union soldiers they supported.

A few months later, he began moving north, intending to take Santa Fe and Fort Union.

However, Sibley soon learned his few supplies played an enormous role in his defeat. Unable to find what was needed throughout the territory and unable to take supplies from Union forces he could not stage the attacks so desired

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The March To Santa Fe

Sibley and his Confederate forces, although meeting with some Union skirmishes along the way, made it to Albuquerque in March and then to Santa Fe a few days later.

However, they were moving so slowly they were not able to take the Union by surprise or capture their needed supplies. This slow movement also allowed the Union forces to receive backup from Colorado. The Union, with new manpower and seeing the weak Confederate forces, chose to strike. The two sides met at the Battle of Glorieta Pass.

The historical marker for the site of Glorieta Pass, the battlefield where the outcome of the New Mexico campaign was decided.

The Confederates were able to win something of a small victory. Ultimately, however, they were overcome by their lack of resources. The Union destroyed their incoming wagon train which was carrying their supplies and ammunition

Sibley and his men had to retreat to Albuquerque to await a new load of much-needed supplies. The Union followed, meeting them in battle once again, on April 1. A sandstorm occurred, causing a diversion and allowing the Confederacy to flee, heading back to Melilla and then San Antonio.

During the retreat, hundreds of Confederate soldiers were left behind.

The Aftermath of a Failed Endeavor

After this event, the New Mexico volunteers who had helped the Union were formed into the 1st New Mexico Calvary. They spent the remainder of the Civil War fighting territorial Native Americans.

The Confederates, though figuratively sent home with their tail between their legs, still boasted that Arizona was part of the Confederacy. They continued to make plans for additional military action and invasions of the west.

However, none of these were really feasible. The failure of the plan had proved the Confederacy’s New Mexico campaign was a short-lived dream. Sibley, however, continued to serve in Texas and Louisiana through the rest of the Civil War. He was demoted and ended up directing the supply trains and little else.

Had the Confederacy won their battles and taken the west for themselves, the American Civil War could have ended very differently.

The Union would have been significantly cut off from its sources of wealth. This would have caused it to lose the silver and gold needed for the war effort.

In addition, the taking of California and the Pacific Coast would have meant lost ports for the Union navy. It would have been very difficult for them to spread their thin resources over such an expanse of coastline.

The Confederacy takeover could have meant the end of Union intervention in Native American dealings throughout the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains.

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Confederate Army in Santa Fe

 

Before well-known Battle of Glorieta Pass, Texans captured Santa Fe

By Tom Sharpe

The Confederates who briefly occupied Santa Fe 150 years ago this month found it an inhospitable city with Jewish merchants who refused their money, terrified nuns and a Hispanic majority neutral in the fight between Anglos.

Much has been written about the Battle of Glorieta Pass, known as the Gettysburg of the West, which took place from March 26 to 28, 1862. But less is known about Santa Fe's few weeks as a Confederate territory.

That is partly because just about anyone who openly sided with the Union had left Santa Fe -- heading either to Fort Craig, south of Socorro, where New Mexico's Union troops had hoped but failed to stop the advancing Rebels, or to Fort Union, north of Las Vegas, N.M., where the Union contingency awaited reinforcements from Colorado.

One rare local perspective comes from the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette of April 26, 1862 -- the first edition the newspaper had published since being shut down by the Rebels. The issue is preserved on microfilm at the Museum of New Mexico's Fray Angélico Chávez History Library, but the original could be not located.


According to the Gazette:

On March 3, 188 wagons of supplies -- food, winter clothes and ammunition -- left Santa Fe.

On March 8, the Gazette announced it would suspend publication due to "the disturbed condition of public affairs."

On March 10, "eleven Texans made their appearance in the city."

On March 13, Union supporters were offered amnesty.


The newspaper reported 70 more Texans arrived March 14, followed by 200 Texans on March 20.

"They were Texans in name but in reality they were men who had formerly lived here and had gone to Mesilla to join the enemy," explained the Gazette.
Rebel Texans depicted as savage

Union-leaning New Mexicans, hungry for statehood, often painted Southern sympathizers as disreputable characters, calling them "Texas Rangers," "Santa Fe Gamblers" or "Brigands" -- a now archaic term for thieves or bandits.

John Lossing's 1868 Pictorial History of the Civil War depicts "one of [Gen. Henry H.] Sibley's Texas Rangers" with long, scraggly hair and a beard, a wide-brimmed hat, rifle, knives and sabers -- far from the modern image of that state's elite law-enforcement squad or the professional baseball team.

"These Rangers who went into the rebellion were described as being, many of them, a desperate set of fellows, having no higher motive than plunder and adventure," a footnote says. "They were half savage, and each was mounted on a mustang horse. Each man carried a rifle, a tomahawk, a bowie knife, a pair of Colt's revolvers, and a lasso for catching and throwing the horses of a flying foe."

But these "Texans" were a trusted advance guard for the 2,500 Confederate troops advancing to Santa Fe. Most of them were Texas residents who had marched up the Rio Grande, defeated New Mexico's Union volunteers at the Battle of Valverde on Feb. 21 and were now encamped near Albuquerque, awaiting orders to take Santa Fe.

"The company of Santa Fe Gamblers ... fought gallantly," a Confederate lieutenant wrote in his journal. "They call themselves brigands and know everything about Santa Fe."

Texas' earliest maps, upon independence from Mexico in 1836, had included within the new republic's boundaries parts of today's Oklahoma, Colorado, Kansas, Wyoming and New Mexico, including Santa Fe.

Twenty-six years later, Texas seemed poised to make good on its imperial dreams of capturing the terminus of the Santa Fe Trail, and the gold and silver mines of Colorado, and giving the Confederacy a window to the Pacific ports of California.

Indeed, Capt. John G. Phillips, commander of the 11 Texans who entered Santa Fe on March 10, sounded a bit arrogant in his first communiqué to the Union commander of Fort Union.

"As commander of the troops of the Confederate States of America now occupying Santa Fe, N.M., I have the honor to inform you that I have taken as prisoners of war Sergeant Wall and privates James Kessler and George Hogg, USA," he wrote. "I desire to exchange these prisoners for the same number taken by the U.S. troops [presumably in the Battle of Valverde] and if it be in conformity to the rules of civilized warfare as contended by the United States Government, I propose [to exchange them for] ... Long, William Perryman, [and] William Cappers, privates of the CSA."

Rebels closed down newspapers

The Santa Fe New Mexican is often the primary source on Santa Fe history, having been published for more than 162 years. But no copies are extant from 1862. Except for the prospectus from 1849, and two possible copies from 1850, the newspaper's files begin in 1863.

The 14 years of missing issues could have been destroyed by the Confederates, who were known to attack Union-friendly publications. CSA Lt. Col. John Baylor had shot an editor in Mesilla after taking over Southern New Mexico and Arizona in 1861.

According to the Gazette, Confederate Maj. Charles Pyron ordered Gazette editor John Russell to relinquish the keys to the newspaper on March 22, 1862. But it's not clear if Russell was still in town. One account puts him at Fort Union. "The same day, the proprietor of the Fonda was arrested and placed in confinement," the Gazette reported.

The fog of war kept New Mexicans uncertain of what would happen next.

"From reliable sources, I am satisfied that the main body of the Texans are watching the movement of Col. [Edward R.S.] Canby [leader of the Union forces at Valverde and Glorieta] and that there is but about 400 between Albuquerque and Algodones ... [and] not one Texan in Santa Fe," Union Capt. G.W. Howland wrote to Fort Union from his advance surveillance post in Tecolote on March 9, the day before Phillips' squad arrived in Santa Fe.

On the other side of that message is a plea to Canby from J.A. Whitall, possibly Howland's source: "For God's sake, send your troops down. You can hold Santa Fe. The main body of the enemy are near Fort Craig. I am almost certain of it. Do come!"

The main Confederate force remained in Albuquerque, then began moving slowly east into Tijeras Canyon, across the eastern flank of Sandia Mountains and north through Galisteo in an effort to bypass Santa Fe and attack Fort Union first. By March 25, most of the 280 Rebels in Santa Fe began heading to Glorieta.

Southern perspective on Santa Fe

The Confederates had entered Santa Fe in early March as a conquering army, but returned later that month in virtual defeat. Although they technically won the Battle of Glorieta Pass, their supplies were burned, leaving the Texans with little food or winter clothing.

A.B. Peticolas, a Virginia native who practiced law in Victoria, Texas, and referred to the Union troops as "abs," for "abolitionists," kept a diary and made sketches during the New Mexico campaign.

The lieutenant had been among the main body of Rebels who remained in Albuquerque and then marched directly to Glorieta. When he walked into Santa Fe from the east on March 30, he liked what he saw.

"I gazed down with feelings of curiosity and interest at this the oldest city in the territory, from the height of the hills on the south side of the city," Peticolas wrote. "The church spires glittered in the light of the morning sun, and the multitude of one-story adobe buildings looked neat and comfortable to us worn and footsore soldiers. ...

"Women in long shawls wrapped about their heads and faces were filling their water jugs at the little canal that we first crossed as we entered town. A few copper-colored citizens were lounging on the corners, and one old fellow with a cane and cloak was walking briskly up the street, but these were all the persons that we saw stirring."

Peticolas and his comrades were able to buy some bread, corn meal and whiskey. They "found quarters in a large old ruined building belonging to the government" [the Palace of the Governors], "slept in this house on hay from the Government Corralls [sic]," then moved to "a larger block of buildings belonging to the bishop, [Jean-Baptiste Lamy] who is very friendly to us."

He was less impressed with the church when he attended Sunday Mass on April 6: "There are quite a number of pictures hanging upon the walls representing the sufferings and death, crucifixion and interment of Christ, very poorly done," he wrote. "One or two of the pictures are pretty good oil paintings. The furniture of the altar is very neat indeed and costly, but the seats are indifferent and scarce."

Before departing Santa Fe on April 8 for the 1,000-mile walk back to Texas, Peticolas was able to obtain books and art supplies. But his dealings with Santa Fe's Jewish merchants -- the Seligman and Spiegelberg brothers were prominent at that time -- were tinged with anti-Semitism.

"There are ... smooth-faced Jews, that are our bitter enemies and will not open their stores or sell on confederate paper," he wrote. "These ought to have all their property confiscated and ought to be run off from town themselves."

Sibley seen as delusional drunk

If there's a bad guy in the story of the Confederate campaign in New Mexico, it is the leader of the Rebel forces, Brig. Gen. Henry Hopkins Sibley.

A native of Natchitoches, LA., he graduated from the U.S. Military Academy and served in Florida, Mexico, Texas, Kansas, Utah and New Mexico. At the outbreak of the Civil War, he resigned his commission, was recommissioned in the Confederate Army and proposed a plan to take over the Southwest.

Sibley's plan was accepted, and in late 1861, his forces left San Antonio, Texas, for New Mexico. He was initially successful, bypassing Fort Craig and enticing its defenders, led by Canby, his West Point classmate, to leave the fort to confront the Rebels a few miles away at Valverde.

The Confederates defeated Canby in the field. But Sibley himself did not participate in the battle. He remained with the wagons, claiming he was ill. Some accused him of being drunk, calling him a "walking whiskey keg." During the Battle of Glorieta Pass, Sibley remained in Albuquerque's southeast valley at the ranch of a Southern sympathizer, a local judge.

Sibley seemed to harbor delusions that New Mexicans might be persuaded to join the Confederacy if they understood how they had been deceived by the United States.

"The Ricos or wealthy citizens of New Mexico had been completely drained by the Federal Government, and adhered to it, and became absolute followers of the Army for dear life, and their invested dollars," he wrote. "Politically they have no distinct sentiment or opinion on the vital question at issue. Power and interest alone controls free expression of their sympathies. One noble, notable exception was found in the brothers Armijo, Manuel and Rafael, the wealthiest and most respectable merchants in New Mexico."

Sibley did not visit Santa Fe until April 3 -- nearly a week after the Battle of Glorieta Pass -- to congratulate his soldiers. He seemed pleased with the conditions in Santa Fe, even though within days the Confederates would begin their retreat back to Texas.

"I found the whole exultant army assembled," he wrote. "The sick and wounded had been comfortably quartered and provided [for]. The loss of clothing and transportation had been made up from the enemy's stores and confiscation, and, indeed, everything done which should have been done. Many friends were found in Santa Fe. ...

"My chief regret in making this retrograde movement was the necessity of leaving Hospitals in Santa Fe, Albuquerque and Socorro."

Sibley continued drinking on the way back to San Antonio. He took minor assignments for the final years of the war, struggled with alcoholism, was court-martialed and censured, but acquitted of cowardice. After the Civil War, he was a military adviser to the Turkish viceroy to Egypt.

Gathering supplies for retreat

In the aftermath of Glorieta, the desperate Texans terrified many in Santa Fe.

At Loretto Academy, Mother Magdalen Hayden began to hear men walking into town from the east late on March 29, "but we did not know to which side they belonged until morning when we saw by their clothes that they were Texans," she wrote. "All were in a most needy and destitute condition in regard to the commonest necessities of life."

Several Texans got onto the roof of the girls school, and one climbed inside through a window facing the street. "He opened another window which opens on the courtyard, but as soon as he saw some Sisters he went out the street window," Hayden wrote. "I sent for the Bishop and he notified the commander and so they ceased to molest us."

The Gazette recalled that Sibley had initially promised New Mexicans that "such forage and supplies as my army shall require will be purchased on the open market and paid for at fair prices." Yet, Sibley had seized the funds of the territorial treasury -- a "palpable violation of the rules of war," the newspaper contended.

Public funds weren't the only things seized. The hungry, dirty, cold Texans scoured Santa Fe for supplies without much success until they found a warehouse of goods owned by Felipe B. Delgado, a prominent Santa Fe merchant. The Rebels had no money, so their quartermaster signed three notes acknowledging receipt of $2,336 worth of goods -- 25 boxes of candles, 25 boxes of soap, 103 coats, 100 pairs of pants, 640 pounds of coffee and 845 pounds of sugar.

Those promissory notes were never redeemed and are now the possessions of Delgado's great-grandson, 81-year-old Joseph Valdes, mayor of Santa Fe from 1972 to 1976 and owner of Valdes Paint & Glass.

In comparison with modern warfare, the Civil War seems remarkable in that civilians were seldom targeted. The wives of Union officers remained in Santa Fe during its Confederate occupation. Louise Hawkins Canby, the wife of the Union commander, visited both wounded Confederate and Union soldiers in the hospital. Even Peticolas noted the kindness of Mrs. Canby, known as "the Angel of Santa Fe."

"In health the invalids were regarded as enemies; in sickness and suffering they were administered to with a kindness that might have been shown to friends," wrote the Gazette. "In the midst of the horrors attendant upon the war it is refreshing to have the bright feature like this to refer to."

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  • SCURRY, WILLIAM READ

  • Thomas W. Cutrer

  • SCURRY, WILLIAM READ (1821–1864). William Read Scurry, public official and army officer, was born in Gallatin, Tennessee, on February 10, 1821, the son of Thomas J. and Catherine (Bledsoe) Scurry. He arrived in Texas on June 20, 1839, and was issued a third-class land grant by the San Augustine Commissioners Board in January 1840. He was licensed to practice law before he was twenty-one and appointed district attorney of the fifth judicial district in 1841. "Young Scurry is appointed District attorney," Adolphus Sterne wrote in his diary, "bad appointment. I respect the young man but will not do for that very, very, very responsible office." Scurry became aide-de-camp to Thomas Jefferson Rusk in 1842 and represented Red River County in the Ninth Congress of the Republic of Texas in 1844 and 1845. As a member of the House of Representatives in 1845, Scurry was energetic and effective in his support of the annexation of Texas to the United States. During the Mexican War he enlisted as a private in Col. George T. Wood's Second Regiment, Texas Mounted Volunteers, and was promoted to major on July 4, 1846. After the war he practiced law in Clinton and for a time was the owner and editor, with Joseph Wade Hampton, of the Austin State Gazette, which he sold in 1854. In 1856 Scurry and John J. Linn were Victoria County delegates to the state Democratic nominating convention in Austin.

  • After representing Victoria, DeWitt, Jackson, and Calhoun counties in the Secession Convention, Scurry entered Confederate service in July 1861 as the lieutenant colonel of the Fourth Texas Cavalry and greatly distinguished himself during the Confederate invasion of New Mexico while commanding the Confederate forces at the battle of Glorieta. He was promoted to colonel on March 28, 1862, and to brigadier general on September 12, 1862, and played a vital role in the Confederate recapture of Galveston on January 1, 1863. When he was assigned to command the Third Brigade of Walker's Texas Division in October 1863, Capt. E. P. Petty wrote, "Genl. Scurry has been assigned to our command in place of Genl. McCulloch-He has reached here and assumed command. I am well pleased with him. I knew him well in Texas. He is a fighter and those who follow him will go to the Cannon's mouth." Scurry commanded the Third Brigade at the battles of Mansfield and Pleasant Hill in April 1864 and was immediately transferred with his command to Arkansas to help to repel the wing of the federal army commanded by Frederick Steele, then marching toward Northeast Texas. Scurry was wounded at the battle of Jenkins Ferry, on April 30, 1864, but refused to be carried to the rear. A federal attack overran the place where he lay, and for two hours his wound was unattended. When his brigade regained the field he asked, "Have we whipped them?" On being told that the battle was won, Scurry replied, "Now take me to a house where I can be made comfortable and die easy." He was buried in the State Cemetery at Austin in May 1864. Lieutenant Governor Fletcher S. Stockdale delivered the funeral oration, and after the war the state erected a thirteen-foot-high white marble shaft over his grave. Scurry was married to Janette (Jeannitte) B. Sutton on December 17, 1846; the couple had seven children. He was the brother of Richardson A. Scurry and the uncle of Thomas Scurry. Scurry County is named in his honor.

  • 2nd Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade

  • SECOND TEXAS CAVALRY, ARIZONA BRIGADE. On May 29, 1862, Lt. Col. John Robert Baylor received authorization from the Confederate War Department to raise "five battalions of Partisan Rangers of six companies each" for what would become known as the Arizona Brigade. The government would pay volunteers a bounty but expected them to furnish their own arms, equipment, and horses. The purpose of the brigade would be to retake the southwestern territories for the Confederacy, and its ranks would be made up of Texans recently returned from fighting in Arizona and territorial volunteers who had joined the Confederate command at Mesilla. John Baylor's younger brother, George Baylor, who listed his occupation as Indian fighter, organized one of the battalions. His companies recruited and formed in San Antonio, Belton, Stephenville, Bastrop County, and Leon County. Fifty-year-old John W. Mullen of Williamson County began mustering another battalion in November 1862. He completed only two companies—one from Williamson County and the second under Robert B. Halley, sheriff of Bell County. When John Baylor lost command of the brigade because his controversial policies toward the Apaches in Arizona became public, Maj. Gen. John Magruder reorganized the small incomplete battalions into three regiments. The Second Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade, consisted of George Baylor's Battalion and Mullen's Battalion with one additional company, Richard Sorrel's "Ladies' Rangers," from the Houston area. George Baylor assumed command of the regiment, and in April 1863 they marched to the defense of Louisiana. Baylor's regiment saw its first action in the capture of Brashear City where they seized large quantities of quartermaster, commissary, medical, and ordnance stores. After patrolling the bayous for several months, they joined James Major's Second Texas Cavalry Brigade in July. Through the fall, they continued to operate in the bayou country and took part in battles at Stirling's Plantation, Carrion Crow Bayou, and Bayou Bourbeau. In December, they returned to Texas and made camp at Galveston to defend against a Union expedition advancing up the coast from Brownsville. They remained in Galveston until March 1864, when the Second Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade, again marched into Louisiana to take part in the Red River campaign. During the campaign, they fought in battles at Mansfield, Pleasant Hill, Monett's Ferry, and Yellow Bayou. In September 1864, the regiment marched to Arkansas with the cavalry brigade and returned to Texas in December. While camping in the Houston area, the Second Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade, received orders to be dismounted. The frontier horsemen loudly protested this order. Colonel Baylor took it as a personal affront from Maj. Gen. John Wharton, the officer he still blamed for the defeat at Yellow Bayou. Baylor confronted Wharton in Houston and in the ensuing argument killed him. The regiment did dismount and remained in the Houston area until the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi Department on May 26, 1865. They assembled and mustered out of service at Hempstead. Under the conditions of surrender, the men retained their side arms and personal baggage. When the war ended, George Baylor remained imprisoned for the shooting of John Wharton. Since military authority had ceased to exist, his case came before a civil court which soon acquitted him. Baylor later served as a Texas Ranger and a member of the Texas legislature. He died in San Antonio in 1916. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Alwyn Barr, "Texas Losses in the Red River Campaign, 1864," Texas Military History 3(Summer 1963). George W. Baylor, John Robert Baylor: Confederate Governor of Arizona (ed. Odie B. Faulk [Tucson, Arizona: Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society, 1966]). Confederate Muster Rolls for Lane's, Stone's, Baylor's, and Phillips's Texas Cavalry, Military Records Section, National Archives and Records Service, Washington. Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (30 vols.,Washington: GPO, 1894–1922). Regimental Returns for Lane's, Stone's, Baylor's, and Phillips's Texas Cavalry, Military Records Section, National Archives and Records Service, Washington. Richard Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction: Personal Experiences of the Late War (New York: Appleton, 1879; rpt., Alexandria, Virginia: Time-Life Books, 1983). John L. Waller, "Colonel George Wythe Baylor," Southwestern Social Science Quarterly 24 (June 1943). The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: GPO, 1880–1901). James Matthews, "SECOND TEXAS CAVALRY, ARIZONA BRIGADE," Handbook of Texas Online (http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/qks06), accessed April 11, 2015. Uploaded on April 11, 2011. Modified on June 9, 2011. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.

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  • 3rd Regiment, Texas Cavalry (South Kansas-Texas Mounted Volunteers)

  • Overview:

  • 3rd Cavalry Regiment, organized at Dallas, Texas, in June, 1861, contained men recruited at Marshall, Henderson, Ladonia, Greenville, and Dallas. It was also called "South Kansas-Texas Regiment" probably because it was organized to serve in Kansas. It fought at Wilson's Creek and in October, 1861 had 38 officers and 669 men present for duty. Later the unit fought at Chustenahlah and Elkhorn Tavern, then moved east of the Mississippi River. After participating in the Battles of Iuka and Corinth, it was assigned to Ross' Brigade and served with the Army of Tennessee during the Atlanta Campaign. The regiment skirmished in Tennessee and ended the war in Mississippi attached to the Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana. It was included in the surrender on May 4, 1865. The field officers were Colonels Robert H. Cumby, Elkanah Greer, and Hinchie P. Mabry; Lieutenant Colonels Giles S. Boggess and Walter P. Lane; and Majors J.J.A. Barker, George W. Chilton, and Absalom B. Stone.

  • 4th Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade

  • Discussion in 'Regimental Histories' started by AUGOct 2, 2014.

  • D, 4th Texas Cavalry Regiment of the Arizona Brigade at Ellis County, Texas, ca. spring, 1864.

    In April, 1862 Lt. Col. John R. Baylor was authorized by the Confederate War Department to recruit a brigade of volunteers in order to recapture southwestern territory. At the same time, Col. Spruce M. Baird also began recruiting volunteers in Texas for the same purpose. A year later these volunteers recruited by Baylor and Baird were organized into four regiments - the "Arizona Brigade" - yet none of the four ever set foot into Arizona Territory, and only two (the 2nd and 3rd) served in the same brigade, but they still retained their original name. The 4th mostly ended up serving in Texas in John "Rip" Ford's cavalry command, while the other three regiments went on to see action in Louisiana and Arkansas. 

    In 1863 Col. Baird began recruiting most of his men from around the Pecos River in West Texas, which drew in all kinds of ruffians and undesirables, draft evaders, deserters, outlaws, etc. Of the four regiments, the 4th was probably the roughest of the bunch and generally lacked any kind of discipline.

    Link to history of the 4th Texas Cavalry, Arizona Brigade:
    http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/qkf17

    Further reading on the 4th Texas Cavalry and the Arizona Brigade:
    http://www.chab-belgium.com/pdf/english/Arizona Brigade.pdf
    http://caarchrebel.blogspot.com/2012/08/4th-texas-cavalry-arizona-brigade.htm

  • 7th Regiment, Texas Cavalry (7th Mounted Volunteers)

  • Overview:

  • 7th Cavalry Regiment, about 1,000 strong, was organized at Victoria, Texas, during the summer of 1861. Many of the men were from San Antonio and Palestine, and Angelina County. After serving in the Army of New Mexico, the unit was assigned to Green's and Hardeman's Brigade in the Trans-Mississippi Department. It participated in various conflicts in Louisiana and reported 6 killed, 35 wounded, and 34 missing at Cox's Plantation, and 2 wounded at Bayou Bourbeau. The regiment was included in the surrender on June 2, 1865. Its commanders were Colonels Arthur P. Bagby and William Steele; Lieutenant Colonels P. T. Herbert, Powhatan Jordan, and J. S. Sutton; and Major Gustave Hoffmann.

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